Identify the reasons for the 2006 Coup? Which were the controversial bills that led to the confrontation between the military and government during the phase between 2000-2006? [500-800 words]
The Fijian coup of December 2006 occurred as a continuation of the pressure which had been building since the military unrest of the 2000 Fijian coup and 2005–06 Fijian political crisis. Ultimately, the case for the coup rested not only on a negative assessment of the Qarase government (a viewpoint shared by many coup critics), but also on a claim that things were getting considerably worse, rather than better, in the wake of the May 2006 election (a viewpoint rejected by most of the coup critics). This was a key issue of debate in Fiji after the coup. Commodore Bainimarama himself returned to this theme again and again. He justified his coup on the grounds that ‘Fiji’s overall governance situation had regressed to a catastrophic level. In many ways this was an unusual coup by nature coups are generally conceived in secret and surprise the unsuspecting Government and its citizens. This coup, however, was well forewarned, even if many observers did not believe the threats of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF). The coup was also unusual for Fiji as it was, for the first time, committed against an Indigenous Fijian-dominated Government, which the powerful chiefly hierarchy and nationalist elements strongly supported. In fact, ethnicity, previously the focus of almost all Fijian political crises, played only a background role in this coup. The RFMF, led by Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, overthrew the Government for the alleged purpose of ‘cleaning up’ the racist policies and corrupt nature of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase and his Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL) party.
Moreover, the reasons of the 2006 coups was because it had its roots in the coup of May 2000. Commodore Bainimarama, the Commander of the RFMF, was heavily involved in resolving the 2000 coup in particular, he removed the President Ratu Mara Kamisese and assumed this role under the Doctrine of Necessity. After several months of negotiations, he was then able to bring an end to the crisis through an agreement that gave many concessions to the coup perpetrators and set up Qarase as the new interim Prime Minister. Soon after, the agreement broke down and Bainimarama had many of those who were involved arrested, often in a brutal manner. This resulted in a mutiny by those within the RFMF with connections to the coup perpetrators, during which Bainimarama’s life was directly threatened. A general election was called in 2001, which was won by Qarase’s new SDL Party, largely consisting of the interim regime in coalition with the Conservative Alliance Matanitu Vanua (CAMV) Party, which was composed of nationalist supporters of the 2000 coup. From this time on, Bainimarama took a very central role in the political process in Fiji. Of particular concern to him was the proper prosecution of the perpetrators of the 2000 coup. The SDL/CAMV Government often did not follow through on this and at times ensured the early release of the highest profile convicts. These tensions were played out on several occasions in the years between the coups. Of particular note are four instances of high tension between the Government and the military: Bainimarama’s reappointment in 2004, the Unity Bill dispute in 2005, the January 2006 coup threat, and the 2006 election. On each of these occasions, the possibility of a coup arose, but nothing eventuated. It appeared some sort of balance had been reached where the military would publically criticise the Government but not go as far as to intervene. However, this situation changed dramatically on 5 December when, after weeks of threats, Commodore Bainimarama announced that the military had taken control of the country.
Furthermore, controversial bills that led to the confrontation between the military and the government was because Bainimarama wanted proper prosecution of the perpetrators of the 2000 coup whereas SDL/CAMV Government (formed after 2001 election) often did not follow through on this and at times ensured the early release of the highest profile convicts. There were prominent four instances of high tension between the Government and the military: Bainimarama’s reappointment in 2004, the Unity Bill dispute in 2005, the January 2006 coup threat, and the 2006 election. The conflict started in early October 2006, when the RFMF issued a three-week ultimatum to the Government to dispose of the Promotion of Reconciliation Tolerance and Unity Bill [2005] (grant amnesty to the 2000 coup plotters and perpetrators), the Qoliqoli Bill (which concerned indigenous rights over reefs) and the Indigenous Claims Tribunal Bill [2006], or to resign. Later new demands added to this was made that Andrew Hughes be removed from the post of Police Commissioner, and for the Police to drop the investigations that they were conducting into Bainimarama’s comments and actions against the Government.
To conclude, it was a coup against a strongly indigenous Fijian-backed government that had been elected, with over 80 per cent of the ethnic Fijian vote, only seven months earlier. Like 1987, it was a military coup. Speaking before the United Nations in September 2007, Bainimarama called it a coup to end the coup culture, insisting that measures to ‘clean up’ the country and eradicate racism would set Fiji firmly on a new trajectory and end forever the bitter cycle of ethno-nationalist coups. The coup was in the name of ‘good governance’, anti-corruption and anti-racism, and appealed to the rather severe moral values of Fiji’s urban elites. In a decisive stroke from above, Bainimarama would remove bad politics and bad politicians he would dispel bad inclinations such as greed and prejudice and he would comprehensively remake Fiji so that it could eventually be returned to democracy in virtuous shape.