HIS 701: TUTORIAL & WORKSHOP
WEEK 9
NAME: LITIANA TALEMAINIUSILADI
I.D: 2018003148
- 1. Explain the manifestos of political parties contented the 1977 elections? Why 1977 election became important in context of a constitutional crisis? [NFP won the elections and still not formed the government. Why?
Fijian Nationalist Party
- Led by Suliasi Butadroka. He received 25% of the Fijian vote, an extremist organization that ran on a “Fiji for the Fijians” platform and advocated the repatriation of Indo-Fijians to India.
His parties’ manifestos includes:
- Ø The interests of the Fijians will be paramount at all times.
- Ø The Fijians must always hold the positions of Governor-General, Prime Minister, and Minister for Fijian Affairs and Rural Development, Minister for Lands, Minister for Education, Minister for Agriculture, Minister for Home Affairs and Minister for Commerce Industry and Co-operatives.
- Ø More opportunities should be given for Fijians to enter business and commerce. Total opposition to common roll. Strengthen Fijian Administration and the Government should give it financial backing and support.
- Ø Establishment of a Fijian Institute to teach Fijians in business.
- Ø Pensions for ex-servicemen. Indians should be repatriated to India after Fiji gained full independence. More Government development projects should be concentrated in rural areas.
- Ø Expansion of the Royal Fiji Military Forces' trade section to help ease unemployment.
- Ø The return to Fijians of all land that was illegally sold.
(b) National Federation Party
- Founded in 1969 by A.D.Patel.
- Indo-Fijian dominated party.
- The National Federation Party (NFP), won all the Indian Communal sets with 73% of the votes.
Manifestos includes:
- Ø The NFP also emphasized how the Alliance was overtaxing farmers. In this it was assisted by cane farmers receiving notification of their income tax deduction during the fortnight's polling. Many were being taxed for the first time and resented it, even though the taxes resulted from the high prices they had been receiving for their cane.
- Ø Their anger was assuaged by the NFP offer to reduce taxes coupled with promises of free education, free medical services and reduced rents for their leases. A party that promised them Utopia was preferable to one which offered continuity containing what was unpalatable and menacing to Indian security.
- Ø The NFP exploited the sense of insecurity that had been plaguing Indian minds for some time. Elements in the civil service, for instance, were apprehensive that race not qualifications and performance were becoming the criteria for promotions: those Indians in the middle of their careers were particularly anxious.
Alliance Party
- Led by Rt.Sir Kamisese Mara.
His manifestos includes:
- Ø His request was that the people of Fiji should return his party to power because it had fulfilled its promise of 'peace, progress and prosperity and in the next five 'testing years' would consolidate its achievements on the basis of 'share and care‘
- Ø The source of the Alliance's policy would be Development Plan VII (1976-80) which Ratu Kamisese described as 'a dynamic, realistic programme . . . geared to make the whole of the country better off, it aims in particular at assisting those who live in the rural areas and the outer islands'.
- Ø He emphasized that greater food production would be encouraged and dwelt on his party's record at home and abroad.
- Ø In this context he mentioned gradual introduction of free education, growth of rural junior secondary schools, the Agricultural Landlords and Tenants Act (1976), Lome Convention and the Law of the Sea Conferences. He argued that his party had promoted racial harmony: 'We believe in harmony and maintain and promote it for its own sake, and for the happiness and well-being of our people'.
The Alliance has no intention whatsoever of forming a coalition with any other party, whether it be NFP, FNP, or any other, after the election'.
Why 1977 election became important in context of a constitutional crisis?
The concept of balance in fundamental to any understanding of contemporary politics in Fiji. Not a written constitutional law, the idea was embedded in Fiji’s multiracial –politics by pactice;the Fijians controlled the government in particular ,the Prime Minister’s office, and owned 83% of all the land, the Indians dominated the sugar industry and intermediate size businesses, and the Europeans dominated the very large businesses such as banks, hotels, factories,etc. Room existed for one ethnic group to penetrate and participate in another group’s domain to a certain extent. Indeed, explicit attempts were made by the government via the use of governments subsidies to encourage the entry of Fijians into businesses , while the Prime Minister , a Fijian deliberately appointed several Indians to his cabinet. In the end, this limited mix had moderated the sharp edges and virtual monopoly rights of the balancing concept.
At various times in recent Fiji history, the balance has been in danger of being upset, leading to the expression of concern and deliberate efforts to rectify the disequilibrium. For example, when Indian population had threatened to upset the demographic balance, the government initiated two effective policies informally to retain the status quo, a vigorous birth controls and family planning programme more oriented to the Indian than to the Fijian population; and a policy making it easier for the Indians to emigrate from Fiji taking their property with them. It is in this context that the trauma attending the March April must be understood. The outcome gave the Indian-dominated NFP a victory which violated the Fijian political domain. Had this been allowed to consolidate, the Indians would have controlled most of pre-eminence among Fijians, Indians and Europeans. If the March-April election were an attempt to restore it. On the outcome the entire communal politics in Fiji depended.
- 2. Which all political parties contested 1982 election and what were their manifestos? What were the reasons of Alliance victory over NFP-WUP Coalition?
The major political parties, the Alliance and the newly formed National Federation Party (NFP)-Western United Front (WUF formed in 1981) Coalition, both claimed for themselves a tidal wave of multi-racial support.
Western United Front (WUF)
Western United Front (WUF) was an ethnically Fijian political party formed prior to the 1982 elections and contested the election in coalition with the National Federation Party (NFP-WUF Coalition).
Its support was concentrated in the Western Division, mainly in the provinces of Nadroga and Ba. Its formation was due to disenchantment of western Fijians about not receiving fair return from the Native Land Trust Board (NLTB) from the income derived from their land. Fiji's foreign exchange earnings are mainly generated from sugar, tourism, pine and gold, produced in the western division.
The WUP was launched on 17 July 1981 with the following goals: Protect and encourage the unity of western Fijians. Protect the interests of landowners and to defend their rights to develop their resources according to their aspirations. Seek changes in the Ministry of Fijian Affairs and Rural Development to improve the lives of western Fijians.
ALLIANCE PARTY
•Led by Rt.Sir Kamisese Mara.
His manifestos includes:
His request was that the people of Fiji should return his party to power because it had fulfilled its promise of 'peace, progress and prosperity and in the next five 'testing years' would consolidate its achievements on the basis of 'share and care‘
The source of the Alliance's policy would be Development Plan VII (1976-80) which Ratu Kamisese described as 'a dynamic, realistic programme . . . geared to make the whole of the country better off, it aims in particular at assisting those who live in the rural areas and the outer islands'.
He emphasized that greater food production would be encouraged and dwelt on his party's record at home and abroad.
In this context he mentioned gradual introduction of free education, growth of rural junior secondary schools, the Agricultural Landlords and Tenants Act (1976), Lome Convention and the Law of the Sea Conferences. He argued that his party had promoted racial harmony: 'We believe in harmony and maintain and promote it for its own sake, and for the happiness and well-being of our people'.
Reasons of the victory of Alliance party over NFP-WUP Coalition includes:
Alliance was victorious because it had Fijian communal support. The NFP's own Fijian communal candidates had little experience and low status in Fijian traditional society whereas Alliance candidates had greater ability, high status of usually chiefs and long term of public service. Guajarati Indian businessmen gave support to Alliance as party promised them ‘business as usual’.
NFP lacked the support of Fijian voters and was labelled as Indian party. Rivalry within NFP, where Koya’s Dove Faction (mostly Muslim religious candidates) vs Reddy Flower faction (mostly Hindu religious candidates)
The 1982 General Elections began with the promise of a new era of multi-racial politics in Fiji. It ended with a legacy of considerable racial resentment and bitterness.
Q3: Read both the articles of 1977 and 1982 Elections, and write a summary of both in regard to their significance in Fiji's elections.
General elections were held in Fiji between 19 March and 2 April 1977.[1] As a result of a split in the ethnic Fijian vote, the ruling Alliance Party of Prime Minister Kamisese Mara suffered a narrow defeat. Although the Alliance Party received the most votes, it won only 24 seats, two fewer than the Indo-Fijian-dominated National Federation Party (NFP). One seat was won by the Fijian Nationalist Party, with the remaining seat going to an independent candidate, Osea Gavidi.
Although the NFP emerged as the largest party, Governor-General George Cakobau asked Mara to form a new government, claiming that he had the support of the majority of the House. The new government remained in office until early elections in September the same year.
The 1982 General Elections began with the promise of a new era of multi-racial politics in Fiji. It ended with a legacy of considerable racial resentment and bitterness.
HIS 701 TUTORIALS
WEEK 10
What were the reasons for the two Fiji's coups in 1987? What role political parties played during the Coup? [Tutorial Question]
Both before and after Fiji gained its independence from the United Kingdom in 1970, tensions between the indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian ethnic groups (comprising an estimated 46% and 49% of the 1987 population, respectively) continually manifested themselves in social and political unrest.[1] The Fijian general election of April 1987 resulted in the replacement of the indigenous-led conservative government of Prime Minister Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara with a multi-ethnic Labour-led coalition supported mostly by the Indo-Fijian plurality and Rabuka claimed ethnic Fijian concerns of racial discrimination as his excuse for seizing power. Many authorities doubt the veracity of this, however, given existing constitutional guarantees.
May Coup
On the morning of 14 May, around 10 am, a section of ten masked, armed soldiers entered the Fijian House of Representatives and subdued the national legislature, which had gathered there for its morning session. Lieutenant Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka, dressed in civilian clothes, approached Prime Minister Timoci Bavadra from his position in the public gallery and ordered the members of parliament to leave the building. They did so without resisting. The coup was an apparent success and had been accomplished without loss of life. The Governor-General dissolved parliament and granted amnesty to Rabuka, while promoting him to the position of commander of the Royal Fiji Military Forces. The actions of the Governor-General were viewed with suspicion by the deposed government and Bavadra challenged Ratu Sir Penaia's decision in the Supreme Court of Fiji.
September Coup
From independence in 1970, Fiji's head of state was the Queen of Fiji, Elizabeth II. The Fijian Supreme Court ruled the coup unconstitutional, and the Governor-General attempted to assert executive power. He opened negotiations known as the Deuba Talks with both the deposed government and the Alliance Party, whichmost indigenous Fijians supported. These negotiations culminated in the Deuba Accord of 23 September 1987, which provided for a government of national unity, in which both parties would be represented under the leadership of the Governor-General. Fearing that the gains of the first coup were about to be lost, Rabuka staged a second coup on 25 September.[9] Rabuka then declared Fiji a republic on 7 October 1987, abrogating the Constitution of Fiji and stating that he had removed the Governor-General from office,[9] and declaring himself Head of the Interim Military Government. Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau resigned as Governor-General on 15 October,[10] although he was made the first President of Fiji on 6 December 1987.
Q 2. Explain the Role of Great Council of Chiefs during the Coups? [Discussion Forum] [Refer to week 3 Lecture on GCC]
Since that first shot was fired on May 14, 1987 in Fiji’s unknowing parliament, the fluidity of Fijian politics has never recovered from the so called coup culture.
It has become the main catalyst to legitimize the overthrow of any tyranny of democracy in Fijian politics.
Caught in this vice-like grip is the Great Council of Chiefs, the last bastion of the Fijian race. For many years Fiji has looked up to the Great Council of Chiefs for answers to a wide range of its problems in its darkest hours.
And many times they have bailed out a nation on the brink of collapse with their wisdom and aura.
That is why it has been revered and tagged with the label, august institution. However, the 2006 coup and the leadership problems that continue to plague Fiji, have given fuel to the growing number of critics who are losing confidence in this institution.